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Friday Apr 17 2026 00:00
6 min
Amidst escalating tensions between the White House and the Federal Reserve, a complex legal dispute has emerged over who holds ultimate authority in determining the leadership of the US central bank when a Chair's term expires, particularly when a successor has not been confirmed. This controversy, described by veteran Wall Street Journal reporter Nick Timiraos as the "Fed's go-between," illuminates the challenges confronting the independence of the world's most influential monetary institution.
Recent reports suggested that the US administration has signaled that Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell might not continue in his role if a successor is not confirmed by May 15th. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin confirmed in statements that several individuals are qualified to assume interim leadership of the central bank, not just Powell, mentioning Vice Chair Lael Brainard and Governor Christopher Waller as potential alternatives. President Donald Trump did not hesitate to escalate, threatening to "fire" Powell if he did not voluntarily step aside. Conversely, Powell adopted a proactive stance last month, announcing he would continue to lead the central bank as "interim Chair" in the event his successor was not confirmed on schedule. Powell emphasized that this action aligns with "the law," noting that the Fed had followed this procedure on previous occasions and would adhere to legal protocols.
Timiraos points out that Powell's firm public pronouncements about his right to continue in office send a clear signal to the White House: any attempt to challenge this arrangement would trigger another hard-fought legal battle over the Federal Reserve's independence. Powell's apparent confidence stems from legal arguments meticulously crafted by the institution over decades, even though the relevant legal provisions remain open to interpretation. This ambiguity has led to opposing legal viewpoints between the executive branch and the Fed since 1978, with no court having been required to rule on such a dispute to date. The Senate is scheduled to hold a confirmation hearing next week for Kevin Warsh, the President's nominee to succeed Powell. However, this process could face obstacles, as North Carolina Republican Senator Thom Tillis has vowed to oppose any nomination until a criminal investigation into the renovation of the Fed's building is concluded.
Timiraos illustrates that since Congress established the current structure of the Federal Reserve in 1935, there have been five instances where a Chair's term expired without Senate confirmation of a successor. In each of these cases, the incumbent Chair continued in their role without issue, and no president challenged these arrangements. This issue has only sparked significant legal controversy once. In 1978, due to a delay of several weeks in confirming Arthur Burns' successor, the Department of Justice and the Federal Reserve arrived at starkly different conclusions regarding who had the authority to preside during this power vacuum. Lawyers for the Carter administration argued that the President had the right to appoint an acting Chair from the Fed's seven Governors, and President Carter subsequently issued an executive order designating Burns as acting Chair. However, the Federal Reserve did not accept this, and two senators, including Senate Banking Committee Chairman William Proxmire, intensified their opposition. They warned that if the President could arbitrarily appoint an acting Chair, the Congressional intent of establishing a four-year term for the Fed's head to shield them from political pressure would be rendered meaningless.
Five years later, in 1983, the Reagan administration's White House also had reservations about the issue when considering the reappointment of then-Chair Paul Volcker. A 28-year-old White House lawyer named John Roberts (now Chief Justice of the Supreme Court) drafted a memo for his superiors, partially endorsing the Carter administration's position. However, Roberts also introduced a crucial caveat: the President could only appoint an acting Chair for a limited period in emergencies, when nominations were under Senate review or about to be submitted. Roberts concluded that an indefinite appointment without a pending nomination would conflict with the constitutional requirement for Senate confirmation. Roberts wrote, "Relevant case law suggests that the President cannot appoint 'acting' officials in the absence of an emergency, in the face of statutes requiring Senate confirmation."
Timiraos points out that the Carter administration's stance appears even weaker today. When the Department of Justice issued its opinion in January 1978, the President could appoint any sitting Governor as Chair without Senate approval. However, a law passed by Congress in 1977 and effective in 1979 altered this rule. The new law requires that the Federal Reserve Chair must be confirmed individually by the Senate. Scott Alvarez, former General Counsel of the Federal Reserve, stated that this change significantly weakened any argument that the President could bypass the Senate by appointing an acting Chair. Timiraos notes that the legal environment has shifted further to the detriment of the executive branch since then. In 1998, Congress passed the Federal Vacancies Reform Act, which specifically outlines exclusive circumstances under which the President can temporarily fill agency leadership positions. This act explicitly excludes independent, multi-member boards like the Federal Reserve. Last year, federal courts in Washington ruled in three separate cases that the President may lack the inherent constitutional authority to appoint principal officers in an acting capacity without Senate confirmation. Alvarez commented, "I think the White House would have a hard time winning that case."
Timiraos suggests that initiating a legal challenge could also prove counterproductive for President Trump. Powell has not concealed his intention to leave the Federal Reserve after his term as Chair among his current and former colleagues. However, he has also implied that he would not step down easily if it would grant the administration further leverage to undermine the central bank's independence. In other words, both Powell and President Trump desire the same outcome – Powell's departure. Yet, Trump's current aggressive posture might inadvertently compel Powell to stay. If the White House attempts to seize control of the Chairmanship during a vacancy, Powell is highly likely to remain on the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors as a Governor, a position he can hold until January 2028. Timiraos concludes that even if the White House successfully bypasses the Senate and forcibly installs someone other than Powell to lead the Board, it may not achieve the desired result. The Federal Open Market Committee, the body responsible for setting interest rates at the Fed, elects its own Chair annually. Powell currently holds this position, and replacing him before his term expires next January would require explicit approval through a vote by the committee.
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